The exploitation of copper and bronze in Cyprus
According to Pavlides, initially, the Bronze Age Cypriots discovered and utilized small quantities of copper found on the surface of areas in the Troodos mountains. It was being processed just like the stone. When the quantities on the surface were exhausted and more knowledge was acquired, copper was saught beneath the earth. Where indications of copper existence were found, wells were dug vertically or diagonally, and then a gallery for the quest of copper. From the end of the 3rd to the beginning of the 2nd millennium BC, the knowledge of processing copper on fire was acquired in Cyprus. From deposits of rust found nearby the mines it is proved that the basic copper extraction process was accomplished at the source [Andros Pavlides, 2013].
Bronze Age Cyprus, hence, began to exploit copper and trade it. But copper alone was not a strong metal and did not offer many capabilities. This led to another discovery, the incorporation of 8% tin with 92% of copper, which produced bronze, a much more superior metal. Tin was imported from Minor Asia and other nearby locations. Due to the fact that bronze needed much more copper than tin, Cyprus had the chance to become an important source of commercial product and receive high profit from the trade. Copper was exported in form of talents that had the shape of stretched cow skin at least since the 14th century BC [Andros Pavlides, 2013].
According to Pavlides, copper processing rust during antiquity was noticed in at least 40 locations of Cyprus. It has been estimated that the rust accounts for 4 million tons, which represents a production of 200.000 tons of copper, which needed wood covering 16 times the surface of Cyprus to be made [Andros Pavlides, 2013].
Early Bronze Age in Cyprus [2300-1900 BC]
The Settlements
According to Hill, it is noticeable that the Stone Age sites were rarely continued to be inhabited into the Bronze Age, which indicates a displacement of the population or invasion by new people. The Bronze Age sites were usually located on the sloping ground of a hill-side or on the top of a small plateau, the arable area below being preserved for agriculture. The population was mainly pastoral and agricultural. The fortresses show that life was not always peaceful, “although the bow and arrow seem to have been little, if at all, known” [George Hill, 1940].
Architecture
According to Hill, the Bronze Age architecture shows an advance on the usually, if not always circular constructions of the Neolithic people. The foundations of the walls were of small [raw] stones; the upper portions were supposed to have been of sun-dried bricks, and plastered inside; the roof probably supported by beams and, as in some modern houses, covered with branches or clay-stiffened straw. The plan was more or less rectangular; and there were larger houses containing a number of rooms [George Hill, 1940].
Art
The red-polished ceramics appear firstly in Fyllia and Sotira-Kaminoudhia. The pottery of the period is more complex with engraved decorative motifs, painted cups with animal and human figures. The red-polished ceramics prevails through all this period and they appear also in settlements such as Deneia, Kotsiatis, Marki, Lapithos, Vounoi. Much of the pottery represents rituals. A new type of idols appear, the so-called plank-shaped red-polished idols, found in graves, mostly of a female form [Andros Pavlides, 2013].
Religion
Religious beliefs evolve during the Bronze Age: similarity of sanctuaries (Kotsiatis, Kalopsida), bull worship [Vasos Karagiorgis, 1970]. According to Pavlides in potteries, the bull represents fertility and the snake, death. Many potteries lead to the conclusion that sanctuaries, where rituals were made, existed, such as in Vounoi and Kotsiatis. Others represent the Goddess of Fertility [Andros Pavlides, 2013].
Commerce
Copper exports to Central Asia, Syria, Palestine bring Cyprus into contact with other Mediterranean cultures [Vasos Karagiorgis, 1970].
Burial Customs
According to Hill, the tombs in which the dead were buried were of two main types, cavities sunk directly in the earth or rock, or chamber-tombs, caverns also sunk in earth or rock but entered not directly, but through a short doorway [dromos]. The chamber tombs of the Early and Middle Bronze Age are of two kinds: cave tombs with a slightly curved or a flat roof; tholos-tombs with a beehive-shaped roof [George Hill, 1940].
The Cypriots buried their dead in extramural collective tombs, practising varied programmes of funerary and post-funerary burial ritual. The overall investment in tomb construction, as well as material display for the dead, was considerable, and it may often have been accompanied by feasting and imbibing among the living celebrants. In Cyprus, the use of rock-cut chamber tombs continued, but these were moved into the precincts of the living where, in some cases, they were re-used over many generations. In Bronze Age Cyprus, familial tombs were reopened on successive occasions of death, and corpses were sometimes exhumed from primary burial contexts and reinterred in collective tombs in rituals of ancestral celebration. Members of the elite were lavishly equipped with gold jewellery and exotic goods [Priscilla Schuster Keswani, 2012].
The cemeteries are carved into natural rock, near the settlements, and the dead are buried in a horizontal position into wide chambers [Andros Pavlides, 2013]. This is a distinct element from the previous Neolithic era, where the dead were buried inside the house [Wikipedia]. The graves may include rich offerings, such as potteries, weapons, jewellery and other objects made of copper, gold and precious stones [Andros Pavlides, 2013].
The Bronze Age Cypriots were sent to their deaths equipped with a remarkable array of vessels for drinking, pouring and serving liquids. Many tombs also preserve faunal remains attesting to offerings of cattle, sheep and goat, as well as other animals; joints and sides of beef are particularly well preserved at third millennium Vounous. Jennifer Webb and David Frankel have suggested that many of the pots and animal bones found in third millennium tombs (Philia and Early Bronze Age periods) were actually the remnants of mortuary feasting and drinking activities rather than provisions for the dead. If so, those activities probably took place outside rather than inside the tombs [Priscilla Schuster Keswani, 2012].
The few excavated Early Bronze Age settlements such as Marki Alonia, Sotira Kaminoudhia and notably the cemeteries of Cyprus witness an explosion in the amount of copper artefacts, which is a clear contrast with the previous period. Alongside with the advances in metallurgical production, there is an increasing presence of imported goods such as pottery, bronze items and jewellery. The most relevant examples of ‘foreign’ products are the abundant faience beads recovered at many sites, a few gypsum vessels from Vasilia-Kilistra and also the Egyptian alabaster vessels from Vasilia-Kafkallia. It seems that Cypriot social groups were already participating in the rising interregional trade networks of the eastern Mediterranean area [Eleni Mantzourani, Konstantinos Kopanias, Ioannis Voskos, 2019].
Regarding post-funerary offerings, in Philia and Early Bronze Age tombs at Vasilia, Vounous and Alambra, there are sporadic occurrences of dromos offerings, most often a single ceramic pot placed near the chamber entrance at some time after the initial burials had taken place [Priscilla Schuster Keswani, 2012].
Precious metal
The presence of gold and silver appears [George Hill, 1940].
Middle Bronze Age [1900-1600 BC]
According to Pavlides, fortresses are seen in various locations of Cyprus during this period, witnessing an alert state, following the exploitation of copper. Mass graves were also found of this era, which could have been occurred due to deaths following fights or epidemics [Andros Pavlides, 2013].
The Settlements
According to Hill, the Bronze Age sites were usually located on the sloping ground of a hill-side or on the top of a small plateau, the arable area below being preserved for agriculture. The population was mainly pastoral and agricultural. The fortresses show that life was not always peaceful, “although the bow and arrow seem to have been little, if at all, known” [George Hill, 1940].
The Settlements were built with dense construction, away from the sea. They had access to livelihoods: water, arable land and were close to copper-bearing areas [Eleni Mantzourani, 2001].
Until at least the end of the Middle Cypriot period (i.e. 1700‑1600 BC) the available archaeological data are insufficient to support the view of a well-organised copper production and consumption industry, nor the appearance of élites that exclusively controlled the entrepreneurial activities. Concerning social complexity, Swiny (1989) argued that ‘no single prehistoric Bronze Age settlement, either excavated or surveyed, stands out by its size, complexity and lavishness of architectural fixtures or number of foreign imports. None shows signs of extensive trading connections’, concluding that ‘all the settlement data suggests that Cypriot society was unstratified’. Indeed, the current archaeological record and the extended excavations at Marki-Alonia, Sotira-Kaminoudhia, Alambra-Mouttes, Pyrgos-Mavrorachi and other Early and Middle Bronze Age sites reveal a village-based society lacking any sign of urban orientation and institutionalised social inequalities [Eleni Mantzourani, Konstantinos Kopanias, Ioannis Voskos, 2019].
Architecture
According to Hill, the Bronze Age architecture shows an advance on the usually, if not always circular constructions of the Neolithic people. The foundations of the walls were of small [raw] stones; the upper portions were supposed to have been of sun-dried bricks, and plastered inside; the roof probably supported by beams and, as in some modern houses, covered with branches or clay-stiffened straw. The plan was more or less rectangular; and there were larger houses containing a number of rooms [George Hill, 1940].
Art
During this period, the red-polished pottery declines, giving way to new styles and shapes of the pots, such as the “white painted ware”. The engraved artworks are being replaced by written or painted ones, with representations all-over the surface of the pot [Andros Pavlides, 2013].
Religion
Religious beliefs evolve during the Bronze Age: similarity of sanctuaries (Kotsiatis, Kalopsida), bull worship [Vasos Karagiorgis, 1970]. According to Pavlides in potteries, the bull represents fertility and the snake, death. Many potteries lead to the conclusion that sanctuaries, where rituals were made, existed, such as in Vounoi and Kotsiatis. Others represent the Goddess of Fertility [Andros Pavlides, 2013].
Commerce
Findings of this era witness existence of commerce at least with Crete, and influences from Syria and Palestine on ceramic art [Andros Pavlides, 2013]. Even though the Cypriot social groups seem to have realised the potential of long-distance trade, their participation on available exchange networks is characterised at best as opportunistic. Moreover, it is doubtful whether local Cypriots acted directly as traders or there were foreign middlemen and private entrepreneurs for this task [Eleni Mantzourani, Konstantinos Kopanias, Ioannis Voskos, 2019].
Burial Customs
According to Hill, the tombs in which the dead were buried were of two main types, cavities sunk directly in the earth or rock, or chamber-tombs, caverns also sunk in earth or rock but entered not directly, but through a short doorway [dromos]. The chamber tombs of the Early and Middle Bronze Age are of two kinds: cave tombs with a slightly curved or a flat roof; tholos-tombs with a beehive-shaped roof [George Hill, 1940].
The Cypriots buried their dead in extramural collective tombs, practising varied programmes of funerary and post-funerary burial ritual. The overall investment in tomb construction, as well as material display for the dead, was considerable, and it may often have been accompanied by feasting and imbibing among the living celebrants. In Cyprus, the use of rock-cut chamber tombs continued, but these were moved into the precincts of the living where, in some cases, they were re-used over many generations. In Bronze Age Cyprus, familial tombs were reopened on successive occasions of death, and corpses were sometimes exhumed from primary burial contexts and reinterred in collective tombs in rituals of ancestral celebration. Members of the elite were lavishly equipped with gold jewellery and exotic goods [Priscilla Schuster Keswani, 2012].
The growing numbers of mortuary goods including large quantities of copper artefacts, imported items and pottery with complex shapes and decoration, reflect a tendency towards social differentiation, extended copper production for internal/external consumption and increasing contacts with Anatolia, the Levant and Egypt [Eleni Mantzourani, Konstantinos Kopanias, Ioannis Voskos, 2019].
Precious metal
The presence of gold and silver becomes more commoner than in the Early Bronze Age [George Hill, 1940].
Late Bronze Age [1600-1050 BC] – A totally innovative Era
The Settlements
According to Hill, the Bronze Age sites were usually located on the sloping ground of a hill-side or on the top of a small plateau, the arable area below being preserved for agriculture. The population was mainly pastoral and agricultural. The fortresses show that life was not always peaceful, “although the bow and arrow seem to have been little, if at all, known” [George Hill, 1940].
The Settlements were built with dense construction, away from the sea. They had access to livelihoods: water, arable land and were close to copper-bearing areas [Eleni Mantzourani, 2001].
Architecture
According to Hill, the Bronze Age architecture shows an advance on the usually, if not always circular constructions of the Neolithic people. The foundations of the walls were of small [raw] stones; the upper portions were supposed to have been of sun-dried bricks, and plastered inside; the roof probably supported by beams and, as in some modern houses, covered with branches or clay-stiffened straw. The plan was more or less rectangular; and there were larger houses containing a number of rooms [George Hill, 1940].
Migration
During the Late Bronze Age, the first Greeks headed to the island. The first traces of Greeks exist as early as 1400 [from the migration of Mycenaeans merchants who resided at the coasts according to Pavlides], but a mass movement of Greeks to Cyprus took place after the collapse of the Mycenaean civilization [1200-1100 BC], probably under pressure from the Dorians. The influences are traced on a religious and linguistic level, but also on the burial customs and the ceramic rhythm brought by the Achaeans [Mycenaeans] [Vasos Karagiorgis, 1970]. Due to this Mycenaean migration, according to Woodard, Cyprus underwent a process of Hellenization. Migration [and not colonization] proceeded in streams towards known targets in Cyprus [Maria Iacovou, 2008]. In the meantime, there is a mass emigration of Achaeans that takes places after the Troyan War [circa 1180 BC], as it was a custom for war heroes to found new cities that they would reign. The Hellenization of the local Eteocypriots [indigenous population] was soon to kick off [Andros Pavlides, 2013]. The Dorians in Cyprus ruled in 1100 BC [Wikipedia].
Emergence of Cities
According to Iacovou, almost to the end of the Middle Bronze Age, Cyprus remained a rural society, though it was by then completely surrounded by Mediterranean urban states and palatial cultures. It was the belated connection with the centralized economies of the Mediterranean states, specifically through the export of copper, that according to Peltenburg triggered the emergence of social stratification and urbanization. Also, in the 13th-12th century appears a sort of a crisis, where old, non-urban settlements are being abandoned to the relocation in areas affording a harbour, to access the trade of copper. As such abandoned settlements are Engomi, Alassa-Paliotaverna, Episkopi-Bamboula, Kalavasos-Agios Dimitrios, Maroni-Vournes and Hala Sultan Tekke (due to its silted harbour) [Maria Iacovou, 2008].
Commerce
According to Iacovou, during the Late Bronze Period, systematic long-distance trade is first made evident at Engomi, wherefrom circa 1600 BC an industrial quarter was refining copper for export [Maria Iacovou, 2008]. Textual evidence from Ugarit [today in Syria] record the export of copper, oil and wheat from Cyprus to Ugarit. Inscriptions found in Egypt include correspondence between an unknown Cypriot Ruler and Akhenaten (1375-1358 BC) and record the export of copper and import of silver [Eleni Mantzourani, Konstantinos Kopanias, Ioannis Voskos, 2019]
Art
From the 14th century appear in Cyprus the so-called Mycenaean ceramics on which the painted form dominates. There are so many of them found in tombs that there is an assumption that they could have been manufactured in Cyprus by Mycenaeans artists [Andros Pavlides, 2013]. According to Iacovou, from the 16th till the end of the 13th centuries, the handmade production of two highly distinct fine wares, Base Ring Ware and White Slip Ware were being abandoned, to be replaced by the wheel-made production of a narrow range of shapes, copied from the repertoire of imported vases, as Pavlides stated earlier in this paragraph [Maria Iacovou, 2008].
Religion
Religious beliefs evolve during the Bronze Age: similarity of sanctuaries (Kotsiatis, Kalopsida), bull worship [Vasos Karagiorgis, 1970]. According to Pavlides in potteries, the bull represents fertility and the snake, death. Many potteries lead to the conclusion that sanctuaries, where rituals were made, existed, such as in Vounoi and Kotsiatis. Others represent the Goddess of Fertility [Andros Pavlides, 2013].
Language and Script
According to Haarmann, the language used at this time was named Eteocypriot and it was used until the 3rd century BC [Wikipedia]. Around 1500 BC a writing system appears that placed the Eteocypriot language on scripts [excacated in Engomi], the Cypro-Minoan script because it is believed that it derived from the Minoan script of Crete. It has been impossible for archaeologists to translate these scripts [Andros Pavlides, 2013]. The Greek migrants spoke Arcado-Cypriot Greek. Iacovou states, “Instead of adopting the language of a socially and economically superior local population, adopted and adapted the local script to write their own language”, which in the Iron Age became the primary language of Cyprus [Maria Iacovou, 2008].
Burial Customs
According to Hill, the tombs in which the dead were buried were of two main types, cavities sunk directly in the earth or rock, or chamber-tombs, caverns also sunk in earth or rock but entered not directly, but either through a small doorway [dromos] from a vertical shaft, or else from a long inclined cutting or dromos, sometimes with roughly cut steps. The plan of the tombs sometimes approaches the rectangular but is most usually round or oval. The chamber tombs of the Late Bronze Age are of three kinds: cave tombs with a slightly curved or a flat roof; tholos-tombs with a beehive-shaped roof; and built tombs or cave-tombs which are lined with masonry [George Hill, 1940].
The Cypriots buried their dead in extramural collective tombs, practising varied programmes of funerary and post-funerary burial ritual. The overall investment in tomb construction, as well as material display for the dead, was considerable, and it may often have been accompanied by feasting and imbibing among the living celebrants. In Cyprus, the use of rock-cut chamber tombs continued, but these were moved into the precincts of the living where, in some cases, they were re-used over many generations. In Bronze Age Cyprus, familial tombs were reopened on successive occasions of death, and corpses were sometimes exhumed from primary burial contexts and reinterred in collective tombs in rituals of ancestral celebration. Members of the elite were lavishly equipped with gold jewellery and exotic goods [Priscilla Schuster Keswani, 2012].
In Engomi appear the first samples of built burial chambers. In the rest locations, they continue the tradition of the carved chamber. In Palaepaphos, a burial chamber may connect with other sideways chambers, and they could be family mass graves [Andros Pavlides, 2013]. At the same time, according to Iacovou, there was a noticeable increase in the use of simple shaft graves, which indicates the presence of individuals detached from their place of origin, people who did not own ancestral tomb in these towns, probably because they did not belong to an established family group [Maria Iacovou, 2008].
Precious metal and stones
Silver and especially gold is now found in quantities. Gems are also encountered (carnelian stone and lapis lazuli). Glass vases were excavated in Engomi [George Hill, 1940].
Cyprus under the Hittites?
Cyprus as a place for banishments
According to Hill, Alashiya [Cyprus or Engomi] is frequently mentioned in Hittite [Minor Asia] documents. It first appears in the Boghazkoy inscriptions within the sphere of Hittite political influence. King Tudhaliyash III was assassinated at about 1400 BC, and his brothers were banished in Alashiya, “which must therefore at the time of the murder belonged to the Hittite Kingdom”. King Muwattallish, son of Murshilish (circa 1307-1290), “seems to have confirmed, perhaps extended the Hittite rule in Alashiya”. Finally, his successor Hattushilish III (circa 1290-1260) was able, like Murshilish, to banish his political adversaries to Alashiya [George Hill, 1940]. According to Mantzourani, Kopanias and Voskos, “the fact that Alašiya was chosen as the place of exile for senior members of the Hittite society in the middle of the 14th c. BCE and again during the first quarter of the 13th c. BC, shows that it entertained friendly diplomatic relations with Ḫatti and enjoyed a considerable political status [Eleni Mantzourani, Konstantinos Kopanias, Ioannis Voskos, 2019].
A deterioration of the relations between Ḫatti and Alašiya probably took place during the reign of Ḫattušili III (1267‑1237 BCE). A text from Ugarit mentions that several people from Alašiya fled to Ḫatti and then Ḫattušili III sent them to the king of Karkamiš. It is not clear whether these persons were banished by the king of Alašiya (meaning that Ḫatti had the same obligation to host Alašiyans in exile) or if they were fugitives [Eleni Mantzourani, Konstantinos Kopanias, Ioannis Voskos, 2019].
Invasions
According to Thomas & Conant, Cyprus in the Late Bronze Age was part of the Hittite empire, it paid tribute, but the Hittite kings did not interfere in the interior of Cyprus, nor did they invade Cyprus, except in the time of King Tudaliya IV [Carol Thomas & Craig Conant, 2005].
An inscription, originally written on a statue of King Tudaliya IV [he reigned c. 1237–1209] but then recopied onto a tablet from the time of Tudhaliya’s son Suppiluliuma II [ruling c. 1207–1178], reads:
“I seized the king of Alashiya with his wives, his children, … All the goods, including silver and gold, and all the captured people I removed and brought home to Hattusa. I enslaved the country of Alashiya, and made it tributary on the spot.”
Suppiluliuma II not only recopied Tudhaliya IV’s inscription but also conquered Cyprus himself for good measure. The inscription regarding his own military takeover of Cyprus reads:
“I, Suppiluliuma, Great King, quickly [embarked upon] the sea. The ships of Alashiya met me in battle at sea three times. I eliminated them. I captured the ships and set them afire at sea. When I reached dry land once more, then the enemy from the land of Alashiya came against me [for battle] in droves. I [fought against] them.” [weaponsandwarfare.com]
A survived Hittite text was referring to the tribute that Alašiya had to pay to Tudḫaliya IV. The success of Tudḫaliya IV must have been short-lived, since his successor Šuppiluliuma II [ruling c. 1207–1178 BC] had to fight again in Alašiya [Eleni Mantzourani, Konstantinos Kopanias, Ioannis Voskos, 2019].
A peace treaty between the Hittite king and the king of Cyprus
The fragmentary draft of a vassal treaty between Alašiya and Ḫatti is dated either to the reign of Tudḫaliya IV or Šuppiluliuma II. The text refers to the king of Alašiya and the pidduri, just like the above-mentioned tablet from the reign of Šuppiluliuma II. Interestingly, in this text, some of the verbs that refer to the king of Alašiya are in the second plural person. The plural form is used because the Hittites wanted the treaty to bind both officials. It seems that they have de facto shared the political power in the kingdom of Alašiya [Eleni Mantzourani, Konstantinos Kopanias, Ioannis Voskos, 2019].
Relations between the Hatti and Cyprus
Very few Hittite objects have been so far found in Cyprus, a fact indicating that trade between Ḫatti and Alašiya must have been very limited. Hittites had access to copper in the Taurus region as well as in north Anatolia and thus, they apparently did not need copper from Alašiya. Nevertheless, the fact that so few Hittite objects have been unearthed in Cyprus should not be conceived as an indication for the absence of diplomatic relations between Ḫatti and Alašiya [Eleni Mantzourani, Konstantinos Kopanias, Ioannis Voskos, 2019].
Relations with Egypt
Extremely close, according to Pavlides, appear the relations between Cyprus and Egypt during the Late Bronze Age, up to such extent that they could be described as brotherly. It is assumed that Pharaoh Akhenaten’s wife, Nefertiti, was of Cypriot origin. Eight inscriptions were found in Egypt that include correspondence between an unknown Cypriot Ruler and Akhenaten (1375-1358 BC) [Andros Pavlides, 2013]. From one of those inscriptions, we learn that plague struck during that time Cyprus, which killed one young wife of the Cypriot king [he had more] [Eleni Mantzourani, Konstantinos Kopanias, Ioannis Voskos, 2019].
Piracy
After 1230 BC. at the end of the 13th c. followed by a period of unrest and destruction (Engomi and Kition) due to the invasions of the Peoples of the Sea [Vasos Karagiorgis, 1970].
Was the “King of Alashiya”, someone representing Cyprus from Engomi?
Muhly and Knapp claim that the king of Alašiya was actually residing there. As Manning and DeMita note, there are indeed some characteristics that might ascribe to Engomi a leading role. With the possible exception of Morphou Toumba tou Skourou, it is described as being the first site with extended metallurgical production already in the beginning of the Late Bronze Age (see, e.g., Muhly 1989: 299; Kassianidou 2013: 134). It also shows evidence for inter-élite contacts with other eastern Mediterranean areas, which would make Engomi a logical candidate for the prime centre of international affairs on the island. Moreover, Engomi provides ample evidence for foreign imports, the earliest attestation of the Cypro-Minoan script (Dikaios 1969‑1971: 23) and the largest assemblage of cylinder seals. In addition, some of the most important ashlar buildings (Negbi 2005: 9‑13, Tables 4‑6), characterised either as public or official, lie within its architectural remnants. Lastly, Engomi’s life-span is considerably long, covering at least six centuries of habitation before its demise and the rise of nearby Salamis [Eleni Mantzourani, Konstantinos Kopanias, Ioannis Voskos, 2019].
Keswani, on the other hand, dismissed the idea of Enkomi’s prominence (see also Crewe 2007) based on the notable
absence of symbolic and iconographic evidence of subordination to a central authority (cf. Webb 1999: 307) and the fact that the town of Enkomi was far from the largest LC centre of the island. What is more, she sees no stylistic/functional consistencies between the official buildings at Enkomi and equivalent buildings on other, seemingly subordinate, sites. Lastly, the élite burials and the included prized tomb offerings are evenly distributed in Cyprus and there are no signs of concentration at any site [Eleni Mantzourani, Konstantinos Kopanias, Ioannis Voskos, 2019].
Mantzourani, Kopanias and Voskos argue that “a model with a commonly accepted representative of Alašiya, a primus inter pares, possibly residing at Engomi or another major site of Cyprus, such as Alassa or Kalavasos, would be the most probable according to current data. This person, apparently the head of the most powerful local household, having been acknowledged as an equal by the king of Egypt and even as a superior to the king of Ugarit, would be responsible for the island’s diplomatic correspondence and the necessary international contacts, thus securing the importing/exporting activities” [Eleni Mantzourani, Konstantinos Kopanias, Ioannis Voskos, 2019].
Trojan War heroes founding cities in Cyprus during the Late Bronze Age – Was the Trojan War real?
Homer’s narratives contain many elements of myth, but we can’t ignore the fact that Troy actually existed and evidence that war in Troy occurred during the 12th century BC. According to History.com, we read the following paragraph: “Major excavations at the site of Troy in 1870 under the direction of German archaeologist Heinrich Schliemann revealed a small citadel mound and layers of debris 25 meters deep. Later studies have documented more than 46 building phases grouped into nine bands representing the site’s inhabitation from 3,000 B.C. until its final abandonment in A.D. 1350. Recent excavations have shown an inhabited area 10 times the size of the citadel, making Troy a significant Bronze Age city. Layer VIIa of the excavations, dated to about 1180 B.C., reveals charred debris and scattered skeletons—evidence of wartime destruction of the city that may have inspired portions of the story of the Trojan War. In Homer’s day, 400 years later, its ruins would have still been visible [History.com].
Also, according to Wikipedia: “In November 2001, geologist John C. Kraft and classicist John V. Luce presented the results of investigations into the geology of the region that had started in 1977. The geologists compared the present geology with the landscapes and coastal features described in the Iliad and other classical sources, notably Strabo’s Geographia. Their conclusion was that there is regularly a consistency between the location of Troy as identified by Schliemann (and other locations such as the Greek camp), the geological evidence, and descriptions of the topography and accounts of the battle in the Iliad, although of course, this could be a coincidence” [Wikipedia].